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LETTERS AND DISCUSSIONS 



0i?t»ati0M 0f TOkt'i^tl Htgimnrb, 



DUTY OF THE COLORED PEOPLE 



IN ItKCAKI) T(i TIIK 



GREAT SLAVEHOLDERS' KEBELLION, 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



^ 



By ALFKED M. GKEEN. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

RING WALT & BROWN, STEAM TOWER PRINTERS, 
111 SOUTH FOURTH STREET, 

1862. 



^3^^ 



Qi T the beginning of the great struggle between the Grovernment of 
(^ the United States and the traitors who lifted their hands against it, 
I sought the oracles of history for a precedent ; and, having easily found it, 
before uttering a single sentence as to its influence or results upon the 
great question of slavery in America, I carefully scanned and surveyed the 
whole question or ground upon which the issue rested. By the fairest 
rules of comparison and analogy, I found it impossible to separate slavery 
extension, or the nationalization of this vilest of evils, from the purpose of 
the arch traitors as their avowed object, and the determination on the part of 
slaveholders to exercise unlimited power over their dejected victims of the 
African race as their leading object and the mainspring of the rebellion. 
Then, having followed history by the same rules of comparison and analogy, 
it was not very difficult for me to decide as to our duty. Nor have I ever 
seen anything written, spoken, or performed by the government — its 
agents — by my abolition friends and associates — or by the conservative 
Democracy of our land — which has given me occasion to change my opinion, 

I have not a doubt at this hour, but that my hopes on the one hand, and 
my fears on the other, may both yet be realized. A careful reading of the 
following pages will clearly develop in what these hopes and fears consist. 
My friends, who ask me from time to time what I think of the present 
aspect of affairs, may learn from these pages that I am still sanguine of the 
success of our cause as the result. Still, much depends upon our own 
exertions as to the character and quality of freedom, suffrage or the enfran- 
chisement that we may enjoy. 

Having written much upon the subject, I have been induced to throw 
together some scraps of arguments offered in reply to the opposition I have 
met in regard to my opinions, &c. 

The first two articles in this pamphlet may be justly styled the founda- 
tion of all discussion upon the questions presented. They were met and 
opposed by white and colored men, while many others of all parties gave my 
views support. After discussing the question through the columns of the 
Fine and Falm with my anti-slavery coadjutors, I met and discussed it 
before the Church x\nti- Slavery Society of this city on the second Tuesday 
in September, 1861. A short report of said debate appearing in the Anglo- 
African, drew forth the vigorous discussion through the columns of that 
journal from which the body of this pamphlet is made up. 

I have several lectures and a poem on this same subject, entering more 
minutely upon the details of the war and its results, which I have delivered 
with great success and which I now propose, at the suggestion of friends, 
to lay before the public for perusal at their leisure 



A. M. GREEN. 



(oST^ 



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/ 



THE COLORED 

PHILADBLPHIANS FOEMIKG REGIMENTS. 



i'roiu the Waladelphia Press, of April 22, 1S61. 

A NUMBER of prominent colored men are now raising two regi- 
ments at the Masonic Hall, in South Eleventh street, and hundreds 
of brawny ebony men are ready to fill up the ranks if the State 
will accept their services. Peril and war blot out all distinction 
of race and rank. These colored soldiers should be attached to 
the Home Guard. They will make Herculean defenders. Colored 
men, it will be remembered, fought the glorious battle of Red 
Bank, when the city was in peril in 1777. The following is the 
address : 

The time has arrived in the history of the great Republic when 
we may again give evidence to the world of the bravery and 
patriotism of a race, in whose hearts burns the love of country, of 
freedom, and of civil and religious toleration. It is these grand 
principles that enable men, hovrever proscribed, when possessed of 
true patriotism, to say: '*My country, right or wrong, I love thee 
still!" 

It is true, the brave deeds of our fathers, sworn and subscribed 
to by the immortal Washington of the Revolution of 1776, and of 
Jackson and others, in the War of 1812, have failed to bring us 
into recognition as citizens, enjoying those rights so dearly bought 
by those noble and patriotic sires. 

It is true, that our injuries in many respects are great ; fugitive- 
slave laws, Dred Scott decisions, indictments for treason, and long 
and dreary months of imprisonment. The result of the most 
unfair rules of judicial investigation has been the pay we have 
received for our solicitude, sympathy, and aid in the dangers and 
difiiculties of those '' days that tried men's souls." 

Our duty, brethren, is not to cavil over past grievances. Let us 
not be derelict to duty in the time of need. While we remember 
the past, and regret that our present position in the country is not 

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such as to create within us that burning zeal and enthusiasm for 
the field of battle, which inspires other men in the full enjoyment 
of every civil and religious emolument, yet let us endeavor to hope 
for the future, and improve the present auspicious moment for 
creating anew our claims upon the justice and honor of the 
Republic ; and, above all, let not the honor and glory achieved by 
our fathers be blasted or sullied by a want of true heroism among 
their sons. Let us, then, take up the sword, trusting in God, who 
will defend the right, remembering that these are other days than 
those of yore — that the world to-day is on the side of freedom and 
universal political equality. 

That the war-cry of the howling leaders of Secession and trea- 
son is, let us drive back the advance guard of civil and religious 
freedom ; let us have more slave territory ; let us build stronger 
the tyrant system of slavery in the great American Republic. 
Remember, too, that your very presence among the troops of the 
North would inspire your oppressed brethren of the South with 
zeal for the overthrow of the tyrant system, and confidence in the 
armies of the living God — the God of truth, justice, and equality 
to all men. 

With a knowledge of your zeal and patriotism, and a hope of 
its early development, I am yours, for God and humanity, 

A. M. GREEN. 

Philadelphia, April 20, 1861. 



NBGEOES IN THE SEEVICB 



From the Philadelphia Sunday Transcript, May, 18G1. 

The colored portion of our population are anxious to do the 
State some service. Already they have organized one or more 
regiments, and are perfecting themselves in the drill. Among the 
documents which have already emanated from this branch of our 
population, as to the propriety of their engaging in such service, is 
the following from the pen of " Hamilcar," a negro of more than 



ordinary ability. Without endorsing his communication we give it 
place, so that all sides may be heard : 

" While many persons in the North — perhaps strong friends of 
the Union — are not prepared to endorse the idea of admittiri^ 
colored regiments into its service, it might be well for us to remem- 
ber that every effort is being made by the South to make their 
black population efficient aids in defending their soil against our 
army. The State of Louisiana, for more than three months, has 
had colored regiments in the home guard service, under the most 
efficient drill and pay. Vice President Stephens recommended 
this course to all the States. Tennessee, in pursuance of "this 
recommendation, has passed an act to employ all the available 
muscle of her free black population. There are four colored regi- 
ments now in Virginia, in the service of the rebel government. It 
is said, on perfectly reliable authority, that black troops shot down 
Union men at the late battle at Manassas Gap. 

'' Where, then, is the consistency, or expediency, of fruitlessly 
wasting so much time at the North, in discussing the propriety of 
adopting such a measure, with reference to preparing our colored 
population for an emergency, such as may be thrust upon us by 
the introduction of 50,000 or 100,000 Indians and negroes brought 
into the field against us, and they having all the advantage of the 
most efficient drill and endurance, by long months of preparation 
and practice, that we have hopelessly wasted in discussing ques- 
tions of propriety, &c., &c. 

"Are we to be duped and forestalled in this last hope, so much 
relied upon as a means of bringing rebels to terms, as we have 
been in almost every other available means of speedy and honorable 
settlement? Should the South generally adopt the idea of their 
dictators, Davis and Stephens, to place in the field 50,000 free 
blacks, at $12 per month, (term of enlistment for three years,) 
will they not soon discover that the same amount of money would 
emancipate and place in the field 125,000 men, paying their 
masters liberally — settling also the question of servile rebellion 
among themselves, the question of contraband emancipation, and the 
general insecurity of that species of property during the rebellion ? 

" Would any offer of our government induce those people 
to desert or fight against their former masters and emancipators 



in such an event ? Does not our own wars, and the French and 
Spanish wars in Hayti, sufficiently develop the fact that the 
slaves will defend the soil of their birth, even on the most super- 
ficial promise of those who are their superiors. Would not the 
South, by such an act, draw largely upon the moral sentiment of 
Europe, (that must in no small degree operate for or against their 
recognition,) by such an act in advance of the North ? 

" Could we draw more largely on that sentiment at home or 
abroad by adopting such a measure, by mere necessity, than would 
the South by the same principle ? And especially, Avhen we had to 
throw into the field raw and undisciplined recruits against the most 
able and efficiently drilled regiments ? 

" To me it seems that reason, prudence, and judgment, aided by 
the present signs of the times, would indicate that the available 
muscle, the bone and sinew of our 30,000 colored inhabitants of 
the city and county of Philadelphia should be encouraged in their 
(already manifest) patriotic efi"orts in preparing to sustain and 
defend the soil and interests of their native State." 

HAMILCAR. 



From the Piuc ami ralni, June 22, 1861. 

Mr. Editor: 

Since I last wrote you, on the subject of American revolution, 
and the manifest interest we have in the great issue now before 
the country, I have been incessantly laboring, with might and 
main, to carry out, or to propagate, by all practicable means, the 
policy therein indicated. Of course, I have not closed my eyes to 
the various objections raised by learned and tried friends of the 
enslaved and disfranchised colored Americans of these United 
States. Nay, on the contrary, I have read and pondered them all 
over and over again, and I think I gave them the consideration 
they merit. I do not advance these suggestions I am now about 
to make, (in continuation of the position I have maintained in my 



^ 



previous letter,) wij^li any direct reference to any one of the opinions I 
have met differing from my own ; but merely for the purpose of indi- 
cating to those who have been long acquainted -with me and my most 
implacable hostility to the slave power, and all who could in any 
way sympathize with or apologize for the cruel system of tyranny 
in this country : and to let those of our rulers who expect our 
c'doperation know, and know in time, that while I am largely filled 
with patriotism and sympathy for the government, yet that govern- 
ment must be magnanimously generous to the poor and oppressed 
of this land, ere it can have my hearty and willing support ; 
and until it can have it thus, it cannot have it at all, by no princi- 
ple, nor by any rule of coercion or impressment that it might 
adopt in this direction. I think, indeed I know, I have made my- 
self more thoroughly understood on this point by those in authority, 
both of the State and of the United States, than among our own 
people. Many of our people would be willing, after an act was 
passed, by which they w^ere to be forced into the field, to do the 
work white men would have them do, i. e. — shoot down the slaves 
and free colored population of the South, who might have no pos- 
sible means of escaping the necessity of going into the service of 
the Southern Confederacy. As I remarked to a gentleman, a few 
days ago, it would take a degree of patriotism that I do not possess, 
to go South for such a purpose. I would readily go to shoot the 
enemies of the government; but until it was made manifest to me 
that these men were possessed of discretionary powder, of their own 
W'ill to act in the case as they felt disposed, I should not be willing 
to shoot them ; nor would I do it, whatever the consequences of a 
refusal might involve in such a case. 

As I before stated, I have a motive, and an honorable and just 
policy to be effected by the position I have assumed on this ques- 
tion, and that policy must be accomplished through the issues 
arising out of this great revolution, or rebellion, as you may choose 
to style it. I can realize the necessity of a brother even shooting 
a brother, or of a father shooting a son, in behalf of the govern- 
ment, among the whites — for with them it is like Absalom's rebel- 
lion against the house of King David. The South, and all who aid 
them, are fighting for a principle that anticipates the subversion 
of every principle of justice, and the overthrow of the best and 



8 

most liberal government the sun ever shone upon. It is the right, 
therefore, of all white men who love government and the blessings 
guaranteed to them by the government of the United States, and 
who believe that "a house divided against itself cannot stand," to 
defend it even with the shedding of their own kindred blood, to 
put down treason and rebellion, and maintain the Constitution and 
the laws. With us it is different — it is different with the slaves 
and free people of the South — and it is equally so with us. There 
can be no comparison of the patriotism required to produce such 
a feeling in us, and that which actuates white men in the same 
direction. Finding myself greatly deficient when measured by such 
a standard, and learning that this was the one by which white men 
measured for us, I have chosen to make known my devotion to the 
government, and my willingness to serve it in any just and honor- 
able way. But to set myself boldly in the way of any principle or 
theory, originating from whence it may, that might serve to decoy 
my brethren, and lead them indiscriminately into the field, with no 
other motive or purpose than to serve the doubly rapacious desire 
of unworthy and unjust, hatefully prejudiced men against ourselves, 
as well as those poor, friendless men they would have us fight, and 
who, by a proper appreciation of the government paid to their 
defenceless and unhappy condition, would settle half the bill with 
their masters, and leave them an easy prey to the popular govern- 
ment, instead of being compelled by the menacing attitude of both 
North and South, to take sides against the former, even though 
they should have to settle with masters whom they well understand 
afterwards — in such an event, I will never, nor will a single man 
of the hundreds of myacquaintances, take sides with the milk-and- 
water policy now manifested by the leaders of the United States 
forces, though it is evident that they neither reflect the popular 
sentiment of the people, or the policy of the Administration, only 
so far as that policy is modulated by circumstances brought about 
by the long reign of Hunker Democracy, whose demagogues early 
sought for place and position in the army, since they could not 
get them by the voice of the people at the last election ; but who now 
for a time are allowed to put in their last pleading, in behalf of 
their miserably deluded and tyrannical brethren of the South, the 



slaveholders, whose days of glory and profit, like their own, " are 
dwindled to the shortest span." 

In my last, I left oflf by introducing an anology between our con- 
dition and that of four persons living as neighbors in the same 
vicinity. A, who hates me always, is a slaveholder. B, who is 
influenced so much by A, is the government. C, who I repre- 
sented as our friend, is the liberal, true-hearted anti-slavery man 
of the country, who seeks by any and every means, to emancipate 
the slaves and enfranchise the already freed man. D, is the 
colored people. North and South ; of course, we've all but one 
interest in this matter, at least. A and B. are already in deadly 
combat. C has a manifest disposition to lend B a hand, for he 
has often expostulated with B about his allowing A so -much 
influence and power in controlling his afi"airs, especially on this very 
subject which has created the quarrel. Of course, if they are not 
enough for A, D can do nothing less than come in for his share 
of the responsibility. In a word, if the government and the 
straight-out anti-slavery men of the North cannot settle satisfac- 
torily with the slaveholders, we are ready to give them such a 
helping hand as will be felt by Southern chivalry to their heart's 
content. If the government is not willing to endorse our project 
till it is reduced to an extremity, it may by such a course advance 
our interests the more. At all events, hundreds of the noble sons 
of the old Keystone State are coming into the ranks of our regi- 
ments now being organized, and going through with the regular 
drill and school of the soldier, knowing that the day is not far 
distant when duty will demand efficient service at their hands, in 
behalf of the slave. Whether government sanctions it or not, 
God will. 

Respectfully, yours, 

A. M. GBEEN. 



MEETING OF THE 

CHURCH ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 



From the Anglo- African, September, 1861. 

The regular monthly meeting of the Church Anti-Slavery Society 
was held on Tuesday evening, September 10th, at the Reformed 
Presbyterian .Church, Cherry street, east of Eleventh. The meeting 
was considerably larger than usual, which, of course, during these 
times, is ominous of good to our cause. Another very important 
item is the fact that the meeting was largely interspersed with the 
leading and representative families of color belonging to this city. 
Our people have long been derelict to duty and interest in this 
direction, but it is hoped that war — this great purifier and refiner's 
fire of this as well as every other age — will eventually bring us up 
to the standard of true elevation. 

Wm. S. Young, Esq., was called to the chair, by the temporary 
absence of the Rev. Dr. Church, the regular chairman. The Rev. 
Mr. Johnston, of the Old School Presbyterian Church, as I was 
informed, opened the meeting with prayer. 

A note was then read from the Chairman (Rev. Dr. Church,) 
expressive of his regret for unavoidable absence, and expressing 
the desire that the meeting might be favored with the best conse- 
quences, &c. 

By reading the minutes of the last meeting it occurred that, 
agreeably to announcement. Prof, A. M. Green had been invited 
to address the meeting on the Duty of the Colored People of the 
North in Relation to the Great Rebellion. At eight o'clock Mr. 
Green was introduced, and proceeded with great ability to reason 
not only the propriety but the practical necessity of colored men 
taking an active part in this war, against the aggressive power of 
tlic mighty dragon of the nineteenth century, American slavery. 
Mr. Green argued that, viewed from wliatever stand-point, every 

(10) 



11 

honest man must conclude that this war is one that has been inau- 
gurated bj the labors of abolitionists and anti-slavery men, in a 
moral contest against this great evil ; men have aA^owed it to be 
their purpose to bring the two elements to a hand-to-hand struggle ; 
the efforts of our party for thirty years have been to array the 
North against the South on this question of slavery. And though 
the government denies the responsibility to be incurred by acknowl- 
edging the true issue, yet it also denies that it had any thing to 
do with inaugurating it. It is just as emphatically true that the 
government cannot control the issue involved in this war, as it is 
true that it could not for thirty years control the moral conflict 
kept up on this same question. It was our duty from very many 
considerations, elaborately presented by Mr. Green, to bear an 
honorable part in the great contest. 

When Mr. Green closed, an opportunity was afforded for any 
remarks that might be offered on the question of the evening. 
A white gentleman present, w^hose name I learned at the time, but 
have since forgotten, took the floor, and strongly opposed Mr. 
Green's position. He claimed that the government was even worse, 
if possible, than ever it was, for now that it could justly, by availing 
itself of the war power, emancipate every slave in the South, yet 
instead of doing so, it fled from it as a man would flee from deadly 
poison. He said he had neither sympathy nor faith in the govern- 
ment ; and until the w^ar-making power became honest enough to 
emancipate, enfranchise, and wash its hands of the injustice done 
to black men in the country, it was not fit for Christian men, white 
or colored, but more especially the latter, to touch, taste or handle. 
The gentleman argued in this strain at some length. Mr. Isaiah 
C. Wears was called on, and in his usual very forcible manner 
dissented from Mr. Green. He made many allusions to the mean 
ness of the government, and thought men would fall like sheep ; 
that colored men could not be spared at such a time, and in such 
a cause. He said the South were more practically a fighting people 
than the North ; that they were undoubtedly the superiors of 
the Northern whites in this respect, and the Northern whites were 
our superiors as much as the South was theirs ; it could readily be 
perceived that we were, therefore, of all people the least prepared to 
go into this great slaughter-house of the government. lie agreed, 



12 

however, with many points Mr. Green had raised, and was pleased 
with his treatment of the subject ; he believed this would be a long 
war, and that no doubt thousands of colored men would see service 
in this war before rebellion was put down. Several other gentle- 
men, white and colored, participated on both sides of the question, 
which kept up quite a friendly and spirited meeting till a late hour 
of the evening. Just before adjournment, Mr. Green arose and 
said, he had taken the main points suggested by those who expressed 
themselves as opposed to his position, and he was willing to give 
them the consideration they deserved. But he said his opponents 
admitted too much that was argument for him ; he said : 



1. They had admitted it was a war between North and South. 

2. That these two sections were naturally at war on the slavery 
question. 

3. That the South openly admitted that she was fighting for the 
uninterrupted extension of the slavery power. 

4. That they (the South) were the best fighters. 

5. That we, the colored people, vfere the poorest fighters of either 
of the disputants. 

6. That it would probably be a long war, and we would be called 
into it after a while. 



He said he would ask those gentlemen whether it was not our 
duty, in view of the first four admissions, to enlist with the North, 
if honest in our ancient doctrines on the slavery question ? And 
whether, in view of their tAvo last admissions, it was not a positive 
necessity to counsel strenuous preparatory eiForts among our 
people? 

The subject was continued till the next meeting, on the second 
Tuesday in November. 



FOEMATION OF COLORED REGIMENTS. 



From the Anglo-African, September 28, 1861. 

Mr. Editor: 

The duty of the black man at this critical epoch is a question of 
much importance, deeply interesting the friends of liberty, both 
white and black. The most imposing feature of this duty, I am told, 
is in relation to military organizations. This question, I am told, 
is forced upon us by; our eminent, educated, far-sighted leaders, who, 
anxious for our elevation and zealous for our reputation, in connec- 
tion with our white brothers would have us write our names side by 
side with them upon the immortal book of fame, won by well-con- 
tested and desperate encounters upon the battle-field. Claiming 
that any omission on our part to exhibit that patriotism so notice- 
able in the whites, will, when history shall record the doings of this 
memorable country, leave our names without one deed of patriotism 
or expressed desire for the success of the cause of liberty ; not one 
laurel to entwine the brows of those whose valor like blazing stars 
npon the battle-field would, no doubt, have eclipsed those wliom we 
now a>re satisfied to acknowledge as superiors and protectors. Is this 
all wisdom, this mode of reasoning ; or is it a mistaken idea, called 
into existence by a desire for fame ? Is it a demanding necessity 
that the world will decide belongs to us to meet, thus to prove our 
manhood and love of liberty ? Have not two centuries of cruel 
and unrequited servitude in this country, alone entitled the children 
of this generation to the rights of men and citizens ? Have we 
not done our share towards creating a national existence for those 
who now enjoy it to our degredation, ever devising evil for our 
sufiering, heart-crushed race ? 

Who that will carefully note the many historical reminiscences, 
made mention of by those who are ready to do justice to us, can 
doubt our bravery ? Who that has heard of the many privations, 

(18) 



14 

hair-breadth escapes, and the unflinching determination of our 
enslaved brethren seeking the free shores of Canada, can doubt our 
love of liberty ? True patriotism does not consist in words alone, 
neither do patriotic demonstrations always contribute to the end 
alone, independent of material aid. I do not suppose any people 
have been taxed heavier or more than the poor colored people 
for the cause of liberty, with such small results to themselves. Now, 
if we have contributed our share to support and establish a govern- 
ment, that we are not entitled to a share in the benefits thereof, 
what becomes our duty Avhen that government is menaced by those 
they have cherished at the expense of our blood, toil and degrada- 
tion ? 

Let your own heart answer this question, and no regiments of 
black troops will leave their bodies to rot upon the battle-field be- 
neath a Southern sun — to conquer a peace based upon the perpe- 
tuity of human bondage — stimulating and encouraging the invete- 
rate prejudice that now bars our progress in the scale of eleva- 
tion and education. 

I claim that the raising of black regiments for the war would be 
highly impolitic and uncalled for under the present state of affairs, 
knowing, as we do, the policy of the Government in relation to 
colored men. It would show our incompetency to comprehend the 
nature of the differences existing between the two sections now at 
variance, by lending our aid to either party. By taking such 
measures we invite injustice at the hands of those Ave prefer to 
serve ; we would contribute to the African colonization scheme, pro- 
jected a half century ago, by ridding the country of that element 
so dangerous to the charming institution of negro slavery. 

Entertaining the sentiment and determination that they do, 
would it not be unjust in them to accept our service ? Would we 
still invite them to cap the climax by forcing us to the cannon's 
mouth to save the destruction of those whose whole existence should 
be merged in with their country's weal and woe ? That death 
should be the readiest sacrifice patriotic citizens could offer to up- 
hold the people's hope, the people's palladium, no one should deny. 
But what do we enjoy, that should inspire us Avith those feelings 
towards a government that Avould sooner consign five millions of 
human beings to never-ending slavery than wrong one slave master of 



15 

his human property ? Does not the contemplation of so flagrant 
a wrong cause your blood to boil with Christian indignation, 
or bring tears to the eyes of your broken-hearted old men, whose 
heads, now silvered by time or bleached by sorrow, can no longer 
shoulder the weightier responsibilities of a young man's calling? 

Not only that. Any public demonstration (for this could not 
well be done in a corner) would only embarrass the present admin- 
istration, by stirring up old party prejudices which would cause 
the loss of both sympathy and treasure, w^hich the government 
cannot well aiford to lose at present. By weakening the arm of the 
government, we strengthen that of the slave power, who would soon 
march through these States v/ithout fear of forcible resistance. 

It would be contrary to Christian humanity to permit so flagrant 
an outrage in silence to be perpetrated upon any people, especially 
a class who have known naught else but wrong at their hands, whom 
they would so gloriously serve in time of danger to their own 
liberties and sacred rights, preferring now their services to uphold 
a Government leagued with perdition, upon which the doom of death 
is written, unless they repent, in letters so plain that he who runs 
may read. Let us weigh well this thing before taking steps which 
will not only prove disastrous to the cause w^e would help, but bring 
suffering and sorrows upon those left to mourn unavailingly our loss. 

I maintain that the principle of neutrality is the only safe one 
to govern us at this time. When men's lives are in their hands, 
and so little inducement as there is for us to cast ourselves into 
the breach, our work for the present lies in quite a different chan- 
nel from assuming war responsibilities uninvited, with no promised 
future in store for us — a dilemma inviting enmity and destruction 
to the few, both North and South, among our people, enjoying par- 
tial freedom. 

The slave's only hope — his only help — is his suffering brother 
at the North. When we are removed, the beacon light which 
directs and assists the panting fugitive is darkened and obscured — 
his once bright hope, that gave comfort to him as he pressed on to 
liberty's goal, is shadovfed o'er forever. Our own precipitous, 
unwise zeal must never be the cause to stay the car of freedom, but 
ever let it roll onward and upward until earth and heaven united 
shall become one garden of paradisal freedom, knowing no color. 



16 

no clime, but all one people, one language, one Father, Almighty 
God. 

Once under army discipline, subject to the control of government 
officers or military leaders, could we dictate when and where the 
blow should be struck ? Could we enter upon Quixotic crusades 
of our own projecting, independent of the constituted authorities, or 
these military chiefs ? Will the satisfaction of again hearing a 
casual mention of our heroic deeds upon the field of battle, by our 
own children, doomed for all that we know to the same inveterate, 
heart-crushing prejudice that we have come u-p under, and die 
leaving as a legacy unto our issue — all from those for whom you 
would so unwittingly face the cannon's mouth to secure to them a 
heritage denied you and jours ? 

Is this country ready and anxious to initiate a new era for down- 
trodden humanity, that you now so eagerly propose to make the 
sacrifice of thousands of our ablest men to encourage and facilitate 
the great work of regeneration ? No ! no ! ! Your answer must 
be : No ! ! ! No black regiments, unless by circumstances over 
which we have no option, no control ; no initiatory war measures, to 
be adopted or encouraged by us. Our policy must be neutral, ever 
praying for the success of that party determined to initiate first 
the policy of justice and equal rights. 

Who can say that in another twelve months' time the policy of 
the South will not change in our favor, if the assistance of England 
or France will by it be gained, rather than submit to northern dic- 
tation or subjugation ? Did that idea ever suggest itself to your 
mind ? Strange things happen all the while. Look back for the 
last twenty-four months, and ask yourself if you could have fore- 
told what to-day you are so well informed has actually transpired 
when coming events cast their shadows before ? 

In these days, principle is supplanted by policy, and interest 
shapes policy, I find by daily observation, both in high and low 
places. Although to man}^ the above idea ma}^ seem idle and 
delusory, inconsistent witli the present spirit and suicidal policy of 
the South, yet I for one would feel justified in entertaining it 
equally with the idea that the North would proclaim a general 
emancipation so long as she supposed it a possibility to reclaim the 
disaffected States of the Southern Confederacy. 



/ 



17 



And, if an impossibility, wliat would all proclamations to that 
effect avail? 

I believe with the act of emancipation adopted and proclaimed 
by the South, both England and France, (and in fact I might safely 
say all Europe,) would not only recognize their independence, but 
would render them indirectly material aid and sympathy. 

To get the start of the northern slave-worshippers, as they are 
sometimes termed, who can say that, as a last resort, these rebel 
leaders have not had that long in contemplation, knowing that 
should they succumb to this government through force of circum- 
stances, or the uncertain chances of war, their lives would be value- 
less only as a warning to future generations. 

Then, Avhy may we not hope that such is their ultimatum in case 
of a series of defeats — the liberation of four millions of our poor, 
heart-crushed, enslaved race. One or two large battles will decide 
the future policy of both the contending parties — the sooner it 
comes the sooner we will know our fate. It is in that scale it hangs. 

Then let us do our duty to each other — use care in all our pub- 
lic measures — be not too precipitous, but in prayer wait and watch 
the salvation of God. R. H. Y. 



II. 

REPLY 



From the Anglo- African, October 19, 1861. 

Mr. Editor : 

In your issue of September 28th, appears an able and elaborate 
article on the "Formation of Colored Regiments." I have no 
desire for contention at a time like this with those who differ 
honorably from me in opinion; but I think it just, once in a 
while, to speak out and let the world know where we stand on the 
great issues of the day, for it is only by this means that we can 
succeed in arousing our people from a mistaken policy of inactivity, 



18 

at a time when the world is rushing like a wild tornado in the 
r direction of universal emancipation. The inactivity that is advo- 

( cated is the principle that has ever had us left behind, and will 

leave us again, unless we arouse from lethargy and arm ourselves 
c as men and patriots against the common enemy of God and man. 

1; For six months I have labored to arouse our people to the necessity 

c of action, and I have the satisfaction to say not without success, 

t I have seen companies organized and under the most proficient 

( modern drill in that time. I have seen men drilled among our 

c sturdy-going colored men of the rural districts of Pennsylvania 

1 and New Jersey, in the regular African Zouave drill, that would 

1 make the hearts of secession traitors or prejudiced northern Yan- 

^ kees quake and tremble for fear. 

1 Now I maintain that for all practical purposes, whatever be the 

turn of the war, preparation on our part, by the most efficient 
1 knowledge of the military art and discipline, is one of the most 

i positive demands of the times. No nation ever has or ever will be 

1 emancipated from slavery, and the result of such a prejudice as we 

1 are undergoing in this country, but by the sword, wielded too by 

their own strong arms. It is a foolish idea for us to still be nursing 
our past grievances to our own detriment, when we should as 
one man grasp the sword — grasp this most favorable opportunity 
of becoming inured to that service that must burst the fetters of 
the enslaved and enfranchise the nominally free of the North. We 
admit all that has been or can be said about the meanness of this gov- 
ernment towards us — we are fully aware that there is no more soul 
in the present administration on the great moral issues involved in 
the slavery question and the present war, than has characterized 
previous administrations ; but, what of that ; it all teaches the 
necessity of our making ourselves felt as a people, at this extremity 
of our national government, worthy of consideration, and of being 
recognized as a part of its own strength. Had every State in the 
Union taken active steps in the direction of forming regiments of 
color, we should now, instead of numbering eight regiments or 
about eight thousand five hundred men, have numbered seventy-five 
thousand — besides awakening an interest at home and abroad, that 
no vacillating policy of the half-hearted semi-secessionists of the 
North could have suppressed. 



/^ 



19 



It would have relieved the administration of so much room for 
cavil on the slavery question and colored men's right to bear arms, 
&c. It is a strange fact that now, when we should be the most 
united and decided as to our future destiny ; when we should all 
have our shoulders to the wheel in order to enforce the doctrine we 
have ever taught of self-reliance, and ourselves striking blows for 
freedom ; that we are most divided, most inactive, and in many 
respects most despondent of any other period of our history. Some 
are wasting thought and labor, physical and intellectual, in counsel- 
ing emigration, (which I have nothing against when done with proper 
motives) ; others are more foolishly wasting time and means in an 
unsuccessful war against it ; while a third class, and the most un- 
fortunate of the three, counsel sitting still to see the salvation of 
God. Oh, that we could see that God will help no one that refuses 
to help himself; that God will not even help a sinner that will not 
first help himself. Stretch forth thy hand, said the Saviour to the 
man with a withered hand. He did so and was healed. Take up 
thy bed and walk, said he, and the man arose ; go and wash, said 
he to the blind man, and he did it. How many are the evidences 
of this kind. God is saying to us to-day, as. plainly as events can 
be pointed out, stretch forth thy hand ; but we sit idly, with our 
hands folded, while the whole world, even nations thousands of 
miles distant across the ocean, are maddened by the fierceness of 
this American strife, which after all is nothing less than God's 
means of opening the way for us to free ourselves by the assistance 
of our own enslavers, if we will do it. 

Can we be still or idle under such circumstances. If ever colored 
men plead for rights or fight for liberty, now of all others is the time. 
The prejudiced white men. North or South, never will respect us 
until they are forced to do it by deeds of our own. Let us draw 
upon European sentiment as well as unbiased minds in our own 
country, by presenting an undaunted front on the side of freedom 
and equal rights ; but we are blindly mistaken if we think to draw 
influence from any quarter by sitting still at a time like this. The 
world must know we are here, and that we have aims, objects and 
interests in the present great struggle. 

Without this we will be left a hundred years behind this gigantic 
age of human progress and development. I never care to reply 



20 

to such views as those which set up the plea of previous injustice 
or even of present injustice done to us, as a reason why we should 
stand still at such a time as this. I have lived long enough to 
know that men situated like ourselves must accept the least of a 
combination of difficulties ; if, therefore, there is a chance for us 
to get armed and equipped for active military service, that is one 
point gained which never could be gained in a time of peace and 
prosperity in this country; and that could have been done months 
ago, and can now be done in a few weeks, if we adopt the measure 
of united eifort for its accomplishment. 

Does any one doubt the expediency of our being armed and 
under military discipline, even if we have always been sufferers at 
the hands of those claiming superiority ? But enough of this. As 
to public demonstrations of this kind weakening the arm of the 
Federal Government, I must say that I was prepared to hear that 
remark among Democratic Union-savers, but I am startled to hear 
it from among our own ranks of unflinching abolitionists. 

Indeed, sir, the longer the government shirks the responsibility 
of such a measure, the longer time she gives the rebel government 
to tamper with the free colored people of the South, and prompt 
and prepare their slaves for shifting the horrors of Saint Domingo 
from the South to the North; and, in such an event, could we rid 
ourselves from the responsibility of entering the field, more than 
any other Northern men whom the government chose to call into 
active service ? 

Could we more effectually exercise proper discretion, without 
arms, without drill, without union, than by availing ourselves of 
all these at the present time, looking boldly forward to that auspi- 
cious moment? 

The South (as I have said in an article written for the Philadel- 
phia "Press," and copied into several popular journals) can mean 
nothing less than emancipation, by the act of her having thousands 
of free colored men, as well as slaves, even now under the best 
military discipline. England and France of course would favor 
such a project, should the South thus snatch the key to a termina- 
tion of this rebellion from the hands of the Federal Government. 
But how much better off would we be, sitting here like Egyptian 
mummies, till all this was done, and then drafted and driven off, 



^7(^ 



21 



undisciplined, to meet well-disciplined troops, who will then truly be 
fighting for freedom ; and while we could have no other motive 
than to help conquer a peace for the " Union stilV in its perfidious 
unregenerate state ? Tell me not that it will be optional with us, 
in the event of emancipation by the South, whether we fight or 
not. On the contrary, there is no possible way to escape it but to 
either commit suicide or run away to Africa, for even the climate of 
Canada, in such an event, would not be cool enough to check the 
ardor of fighting abolitionists against the hell-born prejudice of 
the North, and the cowardly black man, would sit here quietly 
with his arms folded, instead of taking advantage of the times, till 
even the emancipated slaves of the South, rigorous in their majesty, 
force him to rise and fle^ to Canada to save his unsavory bacon. 
Let us then, sir, hear no more of these measures of actual necessity 
inaugurating a " dilemma, inviting emnity, and destruction to the 
few, both North and South, among our people enjoying partial 
freedom." That is a work that cannot be accomplished by loyal 
patriotic efforts to prepare a hundred thousand men to do service 
for God, for freedom, for themselves. Sitting still, shirking the 
responsibility Cod has thrown upon our shoulders, alone can engen- 
der such a dilemma. 

Your correspondent also asks whether: " Once under army disci- 
pline, subject to the control of the government officers or military 
orders, we could dictate when and where the blow should be 
struck. Could we enter upon Quixotic crusades of our own pro- 
jecting, independent of the constituted authorities or these military 
chiefs ?" Sir, it appears to me that, under whatever changes of gov- 
ermental policy, our favor would be courted more under such cir- 
cumstances, and our dictation received with more favor and regard, 
both by the authorities, chiefs, and the people at large, than by 
our weak, efieminate pleadings for favor on the merits of our noble 
ancestry, rather than nerving our own arms and hearts for a com- 
bat that we have long half-heartedly invited by our much groanings 
and pleadings at a throne of grace. 

The issue is here; let us prepare to meet it with manly spirit; 
let us say to the demagogues of the North who would prevent us 
now from proving our manhood and foresight in the midst of all 
these complicated difficulties, that we will be armed, we will be 



22 

schooled in militarj service, and if our fathers were cheated and 
disfranchised after noblj defending the country, we, their sons, 
have the manhood to defend the right and the sagacity to detect 
the wrong ; time enough to secure to ourselves the primary interest 
we have in the great and moving cause of the great American 
rebellion. I am, as ever, yours, for truth and justice, 

ALFRED M. GREEN. 



III. 

REJOINDER. 



From the Anglo- African, October 26, 1861. 

Mr. Editor: 

That it is the duty of every one advancing propositions for pub- 
lic adoption, inviting scrutiny and analysis, counseling a policy, to 
assign competent reasons, I am sensibly convinced ; and that Mr. 
A. M. Green, in your issue of the 12th, was disposed to combat 
my ideas — I could only accept as a compliment — differing, no 
doubt, from what it was intended. It raises me in my own estimation 
to think that one like myself, of so feeble an intellect, of so little 
cultivation, should have provoked the notice of so able a man as 
my literary opponent. I therefore bow to it, and for the last time 
upon this subject, proceed to reiterate in substance my former sen- 
timents, while I attempt to reply to my worthy antagonist, though 
co-worker, who has the advantage of me in assuming the leadership 
or acting the spokesman for our race in this country. 

Mr. Green says : — 

'' But I think it just, once in a while, to speak out and let the 
world know where we stand on the great issues of the day, for it is 
only by this means that we can succeed in arousing our people from 
a mistaken policy of inactivity," &c., &c. 



A/y 



28 



The policy which he recommends, is certainly one which, if fol- 
lowed, must destroy every vestige of that power which by our united 
influence has so long troubled the plotters of our ruin and extinc- 
tion to the detriment of their wily schemes. 

If his sentiments are those of our people generally, I am heartily 
sorry, and must differ with them, though I stand alone, as the only 
advocate of the policy of peace measures or neutral action in the 
great struggle. 

He also says, that " this inactivity that is advocated, is the prin- 
ciple that has ever had us left behind and will leave us again, 
unless we arouse from our lethargy and arm ourselves as men and 
patriots against the common enemy of God and man." 

I admit that there is less activity in the right direction than 
advisable or beneficial to our cause, but never have our people dis- 
played more wisdom than the present in refraining from initiating 
or making demonstrations of war measures. In that particular, 
discretion has marked their action~I, for one, must give them 
credit. That grasping the sword will emancipate us from preju- 
dice, from slavery, may be well enough to declaim, but will it bear 
questioning? He intimates that it will emancipate us from our 
now unhappy and heart-crushing disabilities, will take the mana- 
cles from our limbs, remove the obstacles that debar our elevation 
to the equality to which we aspire. 

I have yet to learn that these are practical established facts ; it 
may be clear to the mind of Mr. G., but he must make it appear 
so by something more than simple declamation. 

Who accuses us of cowardice ? No one, unless it be my honora- 
ble opponent. Can we purchase freedom and independence by the 
sacrifice of thousands of our unfortunate people, in belligerent 
opposition to those who have the preeminence in position, power 
and influence ; whose numerical strength is ten times that of our 
own ? We may sell our lives dearly, carry havoc and destruction 
into the ranks of our enemies, but the numerical preponderance, 
the unlimited means at their control, must force us to succumb or 
cease to exist on this continent as a race. All reason and experi- 
ence will decide that— look at it as you may. The history of the 
Aborigines of this country must satisfy you of the force of this 
mode of reasoning. 



24 

To contend against tlie government then with any hope of suc- 
cess, is vain and not worthy of the time we spend in discussing it. 

Admitting, for mere argument, that the government would ac- 
cept our services, how could we, more than the commander of the 
West, General Fremont, influence the policy of the administration 
to our liberation or emancipation from prejudice and slavery ? No, 
my friends, your reason must answer, no ! — no fighting will eman- 
cipate you from prejudice. Will any one tell me that to,-day a 
poor man, of little or no intellectual cultivation, from the Indepen- 
dent Government of Haytl, will be more respected in this or any 
country than one of the native born of this country, of our color ? 
Did they not wield both fire and sword fiercely, to desperation, for 
the liberties they now enjoy ? But to command respect, wealth 
and education must do it — they will do more towards destroying 
that prejudice which darkens our existence than all the fighting 
we can effect under the most favorable circumstances. 

Mr. G. tells us that we should make ourselves felt. In that I 
agree with him; but may we not question the manner in which we 
can do it the more effectually. 

I am told the object of the exhibitors at the Great Exhibition in 
London, the World's Fair, in 1851, was to make themselves felt by 
the exhibition of their great advancement in Art and Science ; 
the object of those nations contributing their quota by invitation, 
was the same. The Fair was, we are told, a complete success. 
That should satisfy us, that the cultivation of peace, of arts and 
science, will go equally as far as an unsuccessful war, to produce 
that high respect we are advised to fight for. I, for one, am satis- 
fied that other means of making ourselves felt, at less sacrifice of 
existence and more beneficial to the desired end, than wielding the 
sword, can be found. That impression that awards us credit, and 
challenges not only competition as equals, but commands that 
respect which an array or force of arms, situated as we are, can 
never force upon this or any nation whose interests are immedi- 
ately identified with the institution of slavery — and the safety of 
that depending to an extent upon the crushing despotism and 
deprivations visited upon those dangerous to its progress or stability 
— is what we want to make ourselves felt. No unarmed, ununi- 



^7 



25 



formed masses of colored men, parading through the streets, will 
ever produce or tend to produce such impression. 

Mr. G. takes this stand : (I give his own language, word for 
word, as follows :) ''Now I maintain that, for all practical purposes, 
whatever be the turn of the war, preparation on our part, hj the 
most efficient knowledge of military art and discipline, is one of the 
most positive demands of the times." 

As an off-set to that position, I here take my stand : That the 
encouragement of every pursuit of industry and education, aside 
from war matters, are deserving and should (more especially at 
this time while the usurpers of our rights and liberties are engaged 
in desperate conflict) meet our most vigorous and undivided coope- 
ration ! That that policy, adopted, realized, and perfected, alone 
can produce the requisite means to establish our claim to the re- 
spect we need ; to open the many avenues of wealth, prominence, 
political and civil equality, without which, no display of military 
drill, of hordes of unarmed or armed men, ignorant of every other 
necessary qualification as servicable citizens, will command. 

Momentary admiration for exhibitions of well drilled men and 
military tactics, which I believe would follow, would create sensa- 
tion among the sight-lovers who swarm in all thickly populated 
districts ; but that indellible impression, mighty to move the hearts 
of men to action, but when moved, calls forth imperishable convic- 
tions, lasting as time itself, must emanate from something deeper, 
more reliable, than brute force or the chance life of military cam- 
paigning, of soldiers ungarnished by the more essential qualities 
that make the man the citizen. As to military displays creating 
respect by efficient drill, especially among us, I have my doubts. 
The most ignorant, unprincipled desperado, or tyrant, or usurper, 
that disgraces humanity by his villainy, may be the most perfectly 
disciplined soldier, may be daring, regardless of danger either to 
limb or life — his daring may create admiration, but his infamous 
character, as a man of dishonorable proclivities, dissipation and 
barbarity, will blast his reputation, however bravely won on the 
field of battle. 

Mr. G. says: "Had every State in the Union taken active steps 
in the direction of forming regiments of color, we should now, in- 
stead of numbering eight regiments, of about eight thousand five 



26 

hundred men, have numbered seventy-five thousand, besides 
awakening an interest, at home and abroad, that no vacillating 
policy of the half-hearted semi-secessionists of the North could 
have suppressed. It would have relieved the administration of so 
much room for cavil on the slavery question, and colored men's 
right to bear arms," &c., &c. 

Permit me to ask of any candid thinker, who, perhaps, is better 
informed than myself on this matter, whether the States can inde- 
pendently force any number of men upon the General Government 
contrary to the ^Yish or will of the constituted authorities, who I 
suppose have the power of either accepting or rejecting white or 
colored men, as prudence, interest, or necessity dictates, or who 
were disqualified by legal restrictions ? 

If the States cannot constitutionally do this, would not then the 
encouragement of raising those regiments environ the administra- 
tion in complications, and force that cavil which friend G. would 
obviate ? 

Mr. Green also informs us that "the evidences of God's demands 
upon our patriotism as warriors, are so strong, that none need 
mistake them." I have yet to see the evidences of God's will or 
demands upon us in that direction, to take up arms for our own 
destruction, to destroy our bond brother, or to assist those who 
are contending in spirit against His righteous mandates, the prin- 
ciple of which is "Love thy neighbor as thyself." If, then, the 
result of that policy advocated by Mr. G. cannot effect the desired 
end he would have, we must, if ever entertaining it, abandon it at 
once, and pursue that policy which reason teaches is not only the 
safest but the wisest. 

I am satisfied, that recruiting, drilling or fighting, will never 
break this innate prejudice imbedded in the hearts of this nation. 

The admiration we might win by bravery, &c., when brought 
into action as soldiers, might easily be overshadowed by one act or 
false accusation, brought against us by those jenlous of our gallant 
exploits when in active service. 

With all respect for Mr. Green's literary accomplishments and 
scholar-like production, he is still in the dark, and may with pro- 
priety cry out, as one in times gone by, "Lord ! that I may receive 
my sight." 



X79 



27 



Supposing that we, with one accord, enter upon that fallacious 
policy of raising regiments for the war, could we do it without it 
becoming a public feature, noticeable by foes as well as friends ? 

With Southern emissaries thronging our hotels, thoroughfares, 
stores, &c., would not the Confederates be likely to gain this im- 
portant information with equal facility as they obtain other news 
that enables them to counterbalance every move made by the 
national forces ? If we admit this, why may we not, from the 
knowledge we have of their (the Southerners') disposition, believe 
that, as a direful retaliation, they would arm their free and enslaved 
colored men, and compel them to fight against us on the field of 
battle, while such patriots as A. M. G., who we could not well 
afford to lose, would have the unpleasant duty assigned to him 
and his associates in arms of destroying those whom he might now 
benefit by adopting a policy contrary to the misguided suicidal 
course he so eloquently advocates. If I have the honor to be 
termed "one of those unfortunates v/ho are willing to wait and see 
•the salvation of God," by Mr. G., I accept the conferred honor 
with many thanks. 

The wisdom of the course I advocate, and that advocated by A. 
M. G., time alone will decide. Patiently, however, I abide time, 
clinging to my avowed polic}^, humbly trusting in Him who I have 
every reason to think has taken the cause of the oppressed of our 
people in this land out of our weak hands, and has or is about to 
answer our many appeals in His own glorious way, while we con- 
tinue to lift our hearts, our hands, in praise and thanksgiving to 
His holy name. 

R. H. V. 



IV. 

REPLY. 

From the Anglo^ African, November 9 and l6, l86l. 

Mr. Editor: 

Absence from home has prevented my notice of the rejoinder of 
your able correspondent, R. H. V., on the War policy. I now 
avail myself of a leisure hour to reply. I am one of those who 



28 

believe that truth loses nothing from investigation, and it is at all 
times the most pleasant and agreeable feature in the honest inves- 
tigation of truth to know that your opponent can properly appre- 
ciate honor, candor and gentlemanly generosity for the views of 
his antagonist. My friend, your correspondent R. H. Y., seems 
largely to possess those characteristic traits of a gentleman and 
scholar. I am pleased to find my antagonist on this question, of 
that progressive class of minds, who can honorably differ with his 
fellows, without condescending to that hateful and disgusting viru- 
lence manifested of late among the ancient leaders of our people, 
in very high circles. I think among us boys, (as our more ancient 
leaders are wont to term us,) this practical fact of itself develops 
progress. My friend thinks that so far as my declamation is con- 
cerned, my arguments may do very well ; but he wants facts to 
make it appear that my position is tenable. I am willing to submit 
our previous articles, respectively, to the arbitration of those who 
have read them, and abide their decision as to whose arguments 
are the most self-evident, and whose position is sustained by the 
greatest number of facts. I think that a careful comparison of 
the articles and the premises on which they are based, will prove 
my friend's production quite as liberally bereft of that important 
auxiliary in debate (proof) as my own iridescent missive. Invidi- 
ous distinctions among the colored people of this continent have 
done more to keep us oppressed than all other efforts of white men 
combined. By this rule we have ever been unable to wring from 
this government the acknowledgment of black genius, adequate 
to the successful competition of whites, in governmental power. 
White men have ever made us believe that the interests of black 
men in Mexico, Hayti, Jamaica, Canada, and even in Africa, were 
really as dissimilar to the interests of colored Americans, as is the 
difference in the respective statures of the giraffe and dormouse. 
All these countries offered very superior adva;ntages to colored 
men of genius, long before American diplomacy and American 
prejudice had the power to influence them against us. But this 
stand-still policy, and this reasoning upon the false and prejudiced 
suggestions of our oppressors and misguided friends, has been the 
successful drawback to every well-directed plan of concentrated effort 
for our elevation, such as would have been adopted with successful 



^y// 



29 



results by any other people similarly situated. Had we obeyed the 
dictates of reason, and the offer of those people made to us years ago, 
instead of now going to California to black boots, wait at tables, and 
wash spittoons, our leading men might have been large contractors, 
land owners, and citizens to all intents and purposes ; while the 
secondary class of our people might have filled very enviable 
positions in contrast to what they now fill in that country ; for, 
you remember, that the acquisition of territory from Mexico 
changed none of her laws relating to her resident citizens in any 
part of the territory ceded to, or purchased by, the United States. 
What, then, kept us from joining with the English and French 
emigrants in California before the war ? — becoming citizens under 
the law of Mexico, and forcing the United States, by the laws of 
nations, to respect that position to the present day, as she does 
blacker men and less cultivated than two- thirds of the colored 
people of the United States — who cannot even enjoy their oath 
against one of those fellows, black though he be, if he happen to 
be a Mexican ? The reason is obvious ; white men, seeing the 
result of such a measure, denied our identity of interest with the 
colored people favored by the laws of Mexico and California ; and 
though Mexico entreated us to make our home with them, (as Hayti 
now entreats us from the same reasons,) we objected. Our leading 
men, reasoning upon this absurd theory of prejudiced white men, coun- 
seled us to stand still and see the salvation of God; but instead of the 
analogy being carried out, and we seeing our oppressors declining 
in strength, as did Israel, we see them day by day growing stronger ; 
until they had made that blessed land of Freedom as odious from 
their accursed prejudice as any other part of the United States, and 
now these same leaders cease to counsel standing still, but counsel 
our going to California. In the name of heaven, I ask, for what 
should we now go there ? They say, to better their condition and 
make a living ; I say to become worse slaves and menials than us 
they leave behind. This is the stand-still policy I am at variance 
with ; standing still till all advantages are lost, and we are left in 
the same darkness and degradation that a brilliant epoch in the 
history of our country has found us, and is compelled to leave us, 
because we refuse to get up and run with the world to the great 
issue to which she is tending — universal Freedom. There is no 



30 

such thing as stand still in this nineteenth century ; you must pro- 
gress backward or forward ; the world is rushing on ; he or they 
who will not move with her, must be crushed by her onward march. 
My friend says he has yet to learn that these are practically 
established facts ; " that grasping the sword will emancipate us 
from prejudice and slavery." Indeed, he asks : " Will the propo- 
sition bear questioning?" I answer, yes, in the most positive 
sense, because four-fifths of all the emancipations from these evils 
among men have been brought about by this means. The Israel- 
ites were carried away captives seven times by Pharoah, Tiglath- 
Pilaser, Shalmanezer, Nebuchadnezer, and finally, by Titus. These 
men forced them to serve as slaves and vassals, not only to them- 
selves, but to their successors in Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, and 
Persia, over which empires they respectively held dominion. The 
Israelites groaned and prayed to God, lifting their windows towards 
the city of the great King^ three times a day — but never were 
released in five out of seven cases, till they grasped the sword, and 
like Samson, cried to God for strength to drive it to the hilt. In 
one of the other cases of the seven, God himself, by the use of ele- 
ments more destructive and desolating than the sword, eflected the 
purpose by a national shiughter. My comment on all these Bible 
transactions may be found in the writings of the Prophets Isaiah, 
Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, and Hosea. A careful study of these 
inspired writers, and the chronological history of the Jews through 
all those years of their servitude and degradation, develops the fact 
that the special direction of God, by the mouth of his prophets, is 
decidedly at variance Avith my friend's peace measures and neutral 
policy, in a war against the greatest moral, social, and intellectual 
antagonist to human progress that now curses the civilized world. 
Turning from sacred history to more recent dates, I am taught by 
the modern historian that the vassals and slaves of the entire con- 
tinent of Europe, a few centuries ago, are now its free citizens — 
made free by the power of their own strength, contending often 
ao-ainst fearful odds for the advancement of the cause of human 
suffrage. The once lowest castes of Hindostan are now the free 
gentoos of that empire. The slaves that built the pyramids of 
Egypt are now, it is true, the degraded but free Moslem of that 
land. The Mexicans that Cortez found in that country, working 



y^ r> / 



31 



as slaves of the emperors and priesthood, are now the free popu- 
lation of Mexico. The slaves of England, France, and Spain, in 
the West Indies, are now the independent Haytians, the citizens 
of the Dominician Republic, and the British West Indies. Now 
let me ask bj what special interposition of Providence, aside from 
the. general rule of grasping the sword, have these changes been 
brought about ? The answer comes back from the earliest anti- 
quity, that the universal rule for Emancipation, Equality and En- 
franchisement, whether it be to the Jewish slaves of antiquity, the 
Roman slaves, the Grecian helots, the German fuedal vassals, the 
serfs of Russia, the Indian slaves of Mexico and Central America, 
or the African slaves of the West India Islands, the one, the ail- 
prevailing influence for removing these accursed systems of tyranny 
and oppression is, and ever has been, an appeal to the sword, 
wielded by strong and energetic arms and minds, aided and guided 
by that Omnipotence thj^t is ever on the side of justice, and who 
directs the blow so as to spread terror and dismay among the 
oppressors of a ci-iished and bleeding race, the outraged struggling 
victims of injustice and wrong. So will God help us if we conform 
to this universal rule ; and cease to cling to this abstract rule of 
''stand still and see the salvation," etc., which, after all, never 
can be applie<l to our case at present, for the Israelites had done 
what we have steadily refused to do, i. e., they had spoiled their 
oppressors, and were marching out of their land in rank and file. 
Are we willing to do likewise ? Then, again, it was only when they 
had gone to the last extremity of human effort, and were about to 
turn back to slavery, and to be buried in Egypt, that Moses gave the 
command to stand still, etc. Noav, I am willing to grant my friend 
the full benefit of this one isolated case in support of his theory, as 
far as it goes — when w^e have performed our part as faithfully even 
as those to whom it was addressed. When the slaves have raised the 
standard of rebellion against their masters, and have broken every 
yoke, and then, by some great impending danger, are about to yield 
and go back again to slavery, I, like Moses, rather than retrograde, 
would readily counsel standing still, at least for a while. When w^e 
of the North, by indefatigable exertion (and sacrifice, if required) 
have armed and equipped ourselves, and become proficient in all that 
pertains to self-defence, as men in our condition should be, and then 



32 

find ourselves environed with some of the difficulties that my friend 
predicts would follow such a significant result, and we, like Israel, 
^re about turning back to our present unhappy and insignificant 
condition, I, for one, should steadfastly counsel standing still with 
fixed bayonets and torn cartridges, to see the salvation of God; 
which I verily believe would be seen, if we followed those general 
rules to which I cling, notwithstanding the enemy's preeminence 
of position, superior numerical strength, &c. 

I think that I am quite safe in assuming that there is no scrap 
of history that can be brought by analogy to prove, " that we must 
either succumb to the numerical preponderance of power, which 
our enemies may bring to bear against us, or cease to exist on the 
continent." I think the history of the aborigines of this country 
goes but a short distance in proof of this mode of reasoning ; they 
sunk by thousands in the very pursuits under which our race have 
steadily increased. Besides, there are very many reasons why 
they have diminished, aside from the aggressive war of extermina- 
tion forced upon them by the whites ; while the sword among them 
has slain its thousands, the introduction of rum of the most poison- 
ous character has slain its tens of thousands. Delirium tremens, 
mania a potu, and a thousand other hereditary diseases more fruit- 
ful of death and the entire destruction of the human family than 
the sword, through the wily craft of white men have been thrust 
among them — then what has followed ? Internal dissensions among 
the different tribes, by which means the sword, in the hands of 
brethren, has done more for their extermination than enemies of 
the opposite race. But our people usually drink good whiskey, or 
the best of brandy, and I therefore do not exactly look for the 
same results to them in this direction ; and, with their knowledge 
of the deceptive character of our oppressors, I cannot think we 
will ever be induced by them to slay each other indiscriminately, 
as the Indians have. My friend speaks of world's fairs, agricultu- 
ral pursuits, arts and sciences, etc., versus momentary admiration 
for exhibitions of well disciplined men, well drilled in military 
tactics, &c. He brings wealth, education, industry, &c., against 
efficient military drill, well contested battles, bravery and gallant 
exploits in active service, etc. But he evidently does not draw 
his conclusions from a very careful study of his subject and the 



33 

nations to whom he refers. Great Britian first made herself free, 
then became the governess of her numerous colonies, then became 
mistress of the seas, before she turned her attention to these social 
and civil pursuits that my friend cites us to. France had pillaged 
the world by her superior perfection in artillery and infantry tac- 
tics, before she was satisfied to go to work at world's fairs and 
what not. But the slaves of every nation are those who challenge 
competition in mechanics, agriculture, and the fine arts. Why 
then have they not been freed by this means without an appeal to 
arms ? My friend refers to Hayti, and says, they are not more 
respected though '' they wielded the sword to desperation, etc." 
Thank God, they are at least free and independent. Besides this, 
the colored planters, though they were acknowledged the most 
wealthy, educated, industrious, and thrifty of the Haytians, chal- 
lenging competition by their industry and wealth, and commanding 
respect by their education and refinement, yet they never were 
recognized or respected at home or abroad until they grasped the 
sword and taught their oppressors and the world a lesson of African 
chivalry, versus so much mock morality, peaceful submission, etc., 
in this stirring age of human progress. By this means the blacks 
of Hayti are felt in a way that world's fairs, &c., &c., would not 
have made them felt for centuries yet to come. My friend in- 
quires how we could influence the administration more than Gen. 
Fremont; and whether the States could thrust upon the war 
department persons whom interest or necessity might dictate they 
should reject; or whether they could accept the services of those 
who are legally disqualified ? He then says, if this may not be con- 
stitutionally done, would not my policy environ the administration 
and force that cavil I would obviate? I think I fairly met these ques- 
tions in my previous article. I will again, for the esteem I have 
for my friend, answer him as best I can. First, no one can tell 
how much Gen. Fremont has or can influence the war department ; 
the fact that Mr. Cameron visited Fremont in person, and that 
Fremont has made no public protest against the ruling of the cabi- 
net, looks very suspicious that they understood each other, and 
were only acting up to the necessity of keeping their own counsel. 
Fremont evidently wields an influence that would require but a 
very few men of his stamp to emancipate the entire South. He 



34 

may yet be commander-in-chief under our present administration. 
Secondly, the States have and are doing every day all that we would 
require them to do ; i. e., they are raising troops, preparing them by 
all available means for the time the government will need them ; 
and may they not as readily prepare colored as white men ? Would 
this not be a step in the direction of enfranchisment ? And after 
all, is it not through this medium, the recognition of our rights by 
the people, that we may ever hope to reach the government ? As to 
legal disqualification, and constitutional necessity being in our 
way, I would refer my friend to Mr. Lincoln's speech at Indepen- 
dence Hall, in this city, when he said that "after all, decisions of 
the Supreme Court, and our constitutional and compromise obliga- 
tions are not eternal principles, but must vary with the necessities 
of the times, etc." A solution of these strange words are given in 
the Rev. H. H. Garnet's passports by Mr. Seward ; and Mr. 
Lincoln's answer to the writ of habeas corpus issued by the highest 
judicial authority in the country. Garnet's passport and the sus- 
pension of the writ of habeas corpus are the best of arguments 
against constitutional and legal restrictions, preventing the recogni- 
tion of a hundred thousand men of the best muscle and determined 
bravery in the Federal ranks. 

As to what southern emissaries may do, by throwing information 
into the hands of the Rebels, of our movements, etc., I have only 
to say that it is an abstract question that should have no weight 
with men willing to do their duty in a great crisis like the present; 
follow this rule of reasoning and we should have no army, no 
President, no freemen, no free-soil, nor aught else to defend. 
Seven years ago the serfs of Russia were hopeless slaves ; the no- 
bility had frustrated the efforts of every cabinet for the ameliora- 
tion of their condition. At length a war broke out between Russia, 
Turkey, France and England. The Czar, driven to an extremity, 
proposed to place in the field 250,000 serfs. The nobility pro- 
tested against it, fearing the result to themselves. The serfs op- 
posed it because they could see no issue in the war favorable to 
their interest ; they believed England and France to be far more 
favorable to their freedom than Russia. The war raged, and finally 
Alexander, over the heads of nobility and serfs, drafted 75,000 serfs 
and sent them off to the Crimea, and in less than three years from 



35 

that time, nearly thirty millions of slaves are freed by the result of 
that policy. There was no way to dispossess these people of the 
influence they swayed by that one stroke of war policy ; but to 
emancipate them was inevitable. Is not our condition analogous 
to theirs in many respects, and may we not by the same policy 
expect a similar result ? I must thank my friend for two consider- 
ations of kindness toward his old, misguided, suicidal friend ; first, 
for his anxiety '"that I might receive my sight;" second, for his 
anxiety lest I should be lost while performing an unpleasant duty« 
There are two kinds of blindness mentioned in scripture, an unfor- 
tunate blindness and a wilful one ; as my friend has placed me 
among the first class, by Moses' law, Leviticus. 19 : 14, I am en- 
titled to commiseration, and by the same law, Deut, 27 : 18, he 
should be sorely punished for trying to lead me to wander out of 
the way, etc. I am somewhat fearful that my friend may be of 
the opposite class mentioned in the % from the 37th to the 52d 
verse of the 12th chapter of John. If so, a solution to his unfor- 
tunate state may be found in Matthew, 15 : 14. 

A. M. GREEN. 



POPULAR LECTURES. 



Associations and Lecture Committees will do well, when making engagements 
for a course, or' for single Lectures, to remember that PROF. A. M. GREEN 
is prepared to deliver either of the following VERY POPULAR AND INSTRUC- 
TIVE LECTURES, on the most reasonable terms: 

LECTUIIE I. 

Subject — Lessons in ike School of Mytliology. 

LECTURE II. 

Subject — Slavery, Rebellion, Emancipation. 

LECTURE III. 

Subject — The Terrific Power of Intemperance zvhen it Becomes a 3Iaster Passion. 

LECTURE IV. 

Subject — The Beauty and Poiuer of a Christiaji Education; or. Pagan oMd 
Christian Literature Contrasted. 

LECTURE V. 

Subject — The Destiny of the Colored People of the American Continent. 

LECTURE VI. 

Subject — The Past, Present, and Future — a Poem on the Great Rebellion. 

LECTURE VII. 

Subject — The World's Reputed Heroes, and tohat We should Learn from Them. 

LECTURE VIII. 

Subject — Captain John Brovm — the Model Hero, and the Noblest Roman of them all. 

PROF. GREEN is also prepared to exhibit his beautiful ETHIOPIAN 
PAGODA of Astronomy, Natural Science and History, including some of the 
most interesting scenes of the Rebellion, &c. Having Lectured before several of 
the most prominent Literary Associations, both white and colored, and having the 
highest and most satisfactory testimonials of success, wherever heard, he offers 
these Lectures to the favorable consideration of his friends — willing to serve them 
at any time when properly notified, and on the most reasonable terms. 

Letters will leceive immediate attention, 

A. xM. GREEN, 

OOG Catharine St., Philadelphia, Fcnn'a. 
Or they maybe addressed to him, care of Rev. A. R. Gbebn, Box 1608, Detroit, Mich. 






LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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